On Thursday afternoon, former Democratic Party superstar Beto O’Rourke headlined a protest at Dallas City Hall that drew about 300 angry, loud Democrats and socialists convinced that in fighting against President Donald Trump and the GOP, they are saving America from fascism.
At the entrance to the event was a man holding a sign that read “MAGA = Fascist,” complete with a swastika on it. And that was one of the nicer sentiments expressed in the homage signage seen around the event.
“I can’t stand the man. You cannot be a Christian while following that man,” said Bonnie, an activist in her 60s, when asked why Trump provoked so much outright hatred.
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And it wasn’t just Trump. When asked about more generic Republicans like Sen. Ted Cruz, R-Texas, or Sen. John Thune, R-N.D., Bonnie said, “If they allow him to do what he’s doing, they’re all in the same boat.”
Rick, also post-retirement age, held a sign that read, “Conservatives Against Trump,” and described his values as “small, limited government, a strong national defense and fiscal responsibility.”
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Asked whether he was concerned that the leftward lurch of the Democrats also threatened those centrist principles, Rick replied, “Clearly, both parties, both major parties, have become polarized.”
From the stage came vitriol about everything from Jeffrey Epstein to data centers in the form of both speeches and song, while a small counterprotest was held at bay by Dallas police.
The theme of fascism was present on so many of the signs that I eventually asked one protester what they meant by the term, to which he simply replied, “If you don’t know then I can’t help you,” which was not particularly clarifying.
The vocal zeal with which these protesters and other Democrats I met in Dallas denounce all things Republican stands in stark contrast with many of the conservatives I spoke to in the city, who, notwithstanding living in red Texas, tend to be a bit shy about their beliefs.
“At my son’s school, and around some friends, I just don’t bring up that I support Trump. It’s just not worth it,” said one woman, who asked to remain anonymous.
She also told me of friends she has who send out two sets of Christmas cards each year, one MAGA themed and one not. She now receives the former each holiday season.
Another man, who works in the service industry, said, “I can’t tell anyone at work that I like Trump. So, when it comes up, I just say that I’m a Bill Maher-style centrist.” At least in his mind, that is as far to the right as he can publicly be without it causing problems.
It all reminded me of a young woman who I met last year who told me after we chatted that she didn’t know any conservatives and was surprised I was so nice. I asked her, “Do you have any guy friends who never ever talk about politics?”
She said, “Yes,” to which I replied, “Yeah, they’re conservative.”
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I immediately felt a twinge of regret for outing them.
When Ronald Reagan was winning elections, pundits described his supporters as a silent majority; today, what we have may be something closer to a silenced majority, as conservatives hide their identities to avoid conflict.
This is a trend that I have discovered all across the country over the past few years: Praise of Trump seems always to come in a quiet whisper, criticism often loud enough for an entire room to hear.
One has to wonder, at a time when polling consistently overestimates support for Democrats, if this shy Trump voter phenomenon might be in play. After all, people trained to keep quiet about their politics may not be eager to respond to polls.
Many local Republican voters I spoke with are very nervous that this could be the year that Democrats finally flip Texas. But, in fairness, while they see myriad outward displays of affection for Democratic Senate nominee James Talarico, they may have no idea that their friend supports GOP candidate Ken Paxton.
The challenge for the Republican Party in this midterm cycle is to make sure that the Trump supporters who don’t want to admit it out loud will still show up to vote, making a difference despite their silence.
It is the quiet voters who are very likely to determine control of Congress, and whether the final two years of Trump’s presidency will be the solidification of his legacy or 24 long months of endless impeachment.
